Is it time for another Donald Pomerleau?

The most recent revelations about the command environment of the Baltimore Police Department (BPD) have persuaded me of the truth of two facts: The first is that the BPD is at this point a bullshit operation. The second is that the next Police Commissioner should come from outside the department.

What do I mean by a “bullshit operation”? A bullshit operation is one in which all kind of bullshit is allowed to happen because of the absence of effective leadership.

I also mean that anything now being said by city or police officials about improvements made to the department or about positive changes to the norms and values of both commanders and rank-and-file officers must be taken with a grain of salt; in other words, as bullshit. The BPD has been in crisis for some time, and the crisis is deepening. Things won’t improve until the leadership improves.

There was an excellent letter in the Baltimore Sun on Sunday making the case that the city must look outside the department for the next Police Commissioner. The writer suggested that the problems within the BPD could no longer be written off as a “few bad apples” because it now appears that the barrel is rotten from the top down. Who is willing to take the risk that someone from within the department has not been compromised by the corrupted culture?

The allegations regarding former police commissioner Daryl De Sousa illustrate the problem. De Sousa, ousted because he is under federal indictment for failing to file income tax returns, now stands accused of favoritism by allowing Major Kimberly Burrus to go on a fellowship with the International Association of Chiefs of Police earlier this year.

Mr. De Sousa approved the fellowship, generally reserved for rising stars within the department, even though Major Burruss was under investigation for theft from a private foundation that she founded in 2015. The claim of favoritism was based on allegations that Major Burruss was having an affair with Colonel Osborne Robinson, De Sousa’s closest friend in the department, at the time she was awarded the fellowship.

Major Burruss’s former husband, BPD Captain Torran Burruss, also accused Colonel Robinson of harassing him about the affair by making lewd comments and gestures at work. Captain Burruss stated that he was on paid leave for a year because of the stress from the harassment, which he claimed that the department ignored.

If the allegations are true, it is a perfect example of what a bullshit operation looks like: Captain Burruss, by all accounts an exemplary police officer, suffers while Colonel Robinson retains his lofty position in the department. There is no other description of that outcome than bullshit. The behavior of which both Mr. De Sousa and Colonel Robinson are accused is toxic, destroys trust among superiors and subordinates, and would not be tolerated in any functional organization. The BPD currently is not a functional organization.

When Mr. De Sousa was sworn in as police commissioner in February, he stated that “I promise that I will not let this city down.” Maybe he meant that he wouldn’t let his cronies down. That seems to be the guiding principle of BPD commanders, for better or for worse.

Three years ago, I concluded that the system for maintaining the discipline of rank-and-file officers in the BPD was broken and could not be fixed until changes were made to the Law Enforcement Officers’ Bill of Rights (LEOBR). I have absolutely no doubt of the accuracy of that conclusion: Discipline is imposed too slowly and often too lightly, if it is imposed at all, and the situation is a direct consequence of the provisions of the LEOBR. Over the years, the systemic failure of the discipline has allowed a critical mass of mediocre and problem-causing officers to accumulate in the department.

The LEOBR is couched in terms of the “rights” of law enforcement officers. What it really does is confer privileges on law enforcement officers that no other employees, public or private, enjoy. It strips police chiefs of disciplinary authority over their own departments. I could go on and on, and I have done so many times.

I gradually have come to believe that there is a second serious problem with the BPD. The second problem is a deficiency in the general quality and integrity of leadership at the senior levels of the department. The two problems are separate, but together they have devastated the department.

When the Majestic Body Shop towing scandal broke six years ago, the question on my mind was how could a criminal enterprise involving so many officers go on for so long without it coming to the attention of BPD commanders? Did the large numbers of police vehicles routinely parked at the repair shop escape notice? In any event, the massive kickback scheme was not uncovered until a complaint from a competing towing company was turned over to the FBI.

The same question has arisen in the aftermath of an even worse scandal, the corrupt activities of the Gun Trace Task Force. Again, how could what amounted to a criminal gang operate with impunity inside the BPD over a period of several years or more? No commander ever had an inkling of what was going on?

A couple of weeks ago I floated the idea on Twitter that the next commissioner should come from outside the department. I got pushback from a couple of former members of the BPD for whom I have a lot of respect. They pointed out that a lack of knowledge of the city and the department can be a serious disadvantage. A new commissioner isn’t going to get rid of everyone, and it is helpful to know where the strengths and weaknesses of the department are right from the start.

I don’t disagree, but the advantage of familiarity must be weighed against what I now believe should be a presumption that anyone from within the department has, at the very least, formed alliances with commanders who either participated in or turned a blind eye toward corruption. It is worth recalling that, after the Majestic towing scandal, former commissioner Frederick H. Bealefeld III brought in an outsider to head the BPD division charged with rooting out corruption. Mr. Bealefeld had removed the previous director for socializing with an officer indicted on a charge of heroin trafficking.

It was not finding someone guilty by association; it was acting out of an abundance of caution when necessary to do so. I believe that Baltimore Mayor Catherine Pugh should adopt the same approach going forward.

I am not saying that there are not candidates with strong ties to the department who could not overcome the presumption of taint; there undoubtedly are. An additional reason that I believe finding an “inside” candidate will be difficult, however, is that I believe that the new commissioner should bring with him or her a cadre of experienced senior officers who also have no history with the department.

The new commissioner will need more than one set of trusted eyes and ears to get a handle on the BPD. I don’t know whether it is realistic to expect that even someone from the outside can put together that type of team, but I believe that it would be much harder for someone whose experience lies solely within the BPD to do so.

Is it time for another Donald Pomerleau? The hard-charging former Marine colonel was appointed commissioner in 1962 for the express purpose of modernizing and sanitizing an almost hopelessly antiquated and corrupt BPD.

History suggests that the BPD exchanged one set of problems for another during Mr. Pomerleau’s 15-year reign, but he dramatically modernized the department and cleaned out much of the corruption that had plagued the department for decades. He was ruthless in his approach to revamping the department, but it is doubtful that any other approach would have succeeded under the circumstances.

I hasten to add that I am talking about a latter-day Donald Pomerleau, black or white, updated to contemporary standards of racial and gender sensitivity and respect for the sanctity of civil rights. But I am talking about a commissioner with the determination and forcefulness of personality to halt the free fall in which the BPD finds itself; a lesser personality will be overwhelmed by the challenges facing the BPD.

Do I believe that the seven-member panel announced by Baltimore Mayor Catherine Pugh to help her select the next commissioner will recommend such a candidate? I doubt it. Such panels can have a mediocritizing effect in the sense that candidates representing more radical change have a harder time gaining consensus. Maybe it is time for Mayor Pugh to take the bull by the horns – for once – and risk selecting a potentially transformative commissioner, rather than settle for someone along the lines of Kevin Davis or Daryl De Sousa.

Even if Mayor Pugh finds the ideal candidate, do I believe that he or she will have the rapid impact that Donald Pomerleau had on changing the department? No, especially not in getting rid of the deadwood and worse that has been allowed to accumulate in the ranks of lieutenant and below because of the destruction of the disciplinary system by the LEOBR.

The irony is that it was Mr. Pomerleau’s efforts to clean out under-performing and corrupt police officers when he came to Baltimore that was the impetus behind enactment of the LEOBR in 1974. The General Assembly somehow was persuaded that the ability to get rid of bad officers quickly and efficiently was a problem rather than a solution to a problem. It is worth noting the bill enacting the LEOBR was pushed by legislators from the city who were knee-deep in the corruption that Mr. Pomerleau was brought in by former governor J. Millard Tawes to combat.

I emphasize, as I always do, that that there are many good men and women in the BPD who are plugging along, doing their jobs, despite inadequate leadership in the department. It is more important than ever that these good police officers hang in there and keep trying to make the city safe. I am sure that there is light at the end of the tunnel, although I admit that I don’t yet see it.

Bucking the system, and making enemies.

Civil rights activist DeRay McKesson neither wants nor needs my sympathy. In fact, given the accusations being hurled at him, sympathy from an old white man is probably the last thing he needs right now. Nevertheless, I sympathized with him for the abuse heaped upon him after he announced his support for J.D. Merrill in the state senate race in the 41st legislative district in Baltimore.

Maybe I recognized some of the shaming of Mr. McKesson that is now going on. More on that later.

Mr. Merrill, a former teacher and administrator with the Baltimore City Public Schools, is the son-in-law of former mayor and governor Martin O’Malley. He is running against the incumbent, Senator Jill Carter, appointed by Governor Larry Hogan to fill the rest of the term of Nathaniel Oaks, who is scheduled to be sentenced next month after pleading guilty to federal corruption charges. Ms. Carter is a civil rights icon in the city who served 14 years in the House of Delegates before becoming the Director of the Baltimore City Office of Civil Rights and Wage Enforcement in January 2007.

Growing up in the Wyndhurst neighborhood of the city and attending Roland Park Elementary, Gilman School, City College and Davidson College, Mr. Merrill fairly reeks of white privilege. Ms. Carter is the daughter of one of Baltimore’s greatest civil rights leaders, Walter P. Carter. It’s an interesting match-up to say the least and, at least in Baltimore, it was bound to get ugly.

Ms. Carter’s supporters began to get nervous when Mr. Merrill gained a significant upper hand in fundraising. Mr. Merrill did his part to stir the pot by attacking Ms. Carter for her attendance record while in the General Assembly.

Things really deteriorated, however, after Mr. McKesson, who gained national prominence as a member of the Black Lives Matter movement, announced his endorsement of Mr. Merrill. Mr. McKesson explained his endorsement by stating:

“J.D. won’t just talk about civil rights and social justice, he’ll build the coalitions necessary to deliver real results for our communities.”

The response on social media was immediate and nasty, full of ad hominem attacks on Mr. McKesson from supporters of Ms. Carter.

Mr. McKesson certainly has reason to be less than impressed with Ms. Carter’s style, or with her coalition-building skills. When he ran for mayor in 2016, Ms. Carter got personal in her attacks on him.

Then-Delegate Carter told The Guardian that Mr. McKesson’s run for mayor was “ridiculous.” She added:

“He has no authenticity and no base other than Twitter followers,” she said. “I’m a little worried that his decision is another self-serving scheme that will further divide our justice movement.”

In other words, Ms. Carter went right for the jugular, not satisfied with simply criticizing Mr. McKesson’s decision to run and choosing also to attack his character, basically calling him a self-serving poseur. There probably is no greater slur against an activist for any cause, especially civil rights, than calling that activist a phony.

Why was the personal attack necessary? Did she see him as a competitor for leadership of what she described as “our justice movement” that she wanted to squash?

If Ms. Carter really was concerned about dividing that movement, would she have lashed out at someone with 330,000 followers on Twitter, pitting her supporters against Mr. McKesson’s? I doubt it.  In any event, I am sure that her insulting remarks did little to endear her to Mr. McKesson.

As an aside, I recommend that you read the story by Greg Howard of the New York Times if you want a more balanced account of Mr. McKesson and his quixotic run for mayor in 2016. Small world that it is, Mr. Howard, like Ms. Carter, is a graduate of Loyola University in Baltimore. A native of Bowie, Mr. Howard went to work out of state after he graduated from Loyola, so he may get dismissed as just another “outsider.” Nevertheless, his description of Mr. McKesson suggests that there is much more to Mr. McKesson than the inauthentic, self-serving schemer described by Ms. Carter in 2016.

Mr. McKesson’s intimation that Ms. Carter’s accomplishments do not match her rhetoric hit a raw nerve with Ms. Carter and her supporters. For me, however, it had a ring of truth. In my opinion, the nature of her rhetoric often does more harm than good by getting in the way of results.

I am not discounting the fact that Ms. Carter has been a tireless advocate for civil rights; that is to her credit. There is no denying that she is smart, skilled and capable. I believe that it is fair, however, to question whether her occasional scorched-earth approach – like the language she employed against Mr. McKesson two years ago – has interfered with her ability to build a consensus behind her ideas.

Ironically, it was her attacks on Mr. Merrill’s father-in-law, former mayor and governor Martin O’Malley, that first drew my attention to Ms. Carter’s aggressive rhetoric. When she was in the House of Delegates, Ms. Carter was an outspoken and vehement critic of the “zero tolerance” policing strategy that Mr. O’Malley instituted when he was Baltimore’s mayor. She stated that the policy led to mass arrests of young black men and later described the policy as not only wrong but “savagely wrong.” As with Mr. McKesson, things became personal between Mr. O’Malley and Ms. Carter.

Mr. O’Malley believed that draconian measures were necessary to save the city from the wave of violent crime that was gripping the city when he took office as mayor in 2000. Whether he was right or wrong, he understandably bristled at suggestions that the policies that he advocated were racist or had an adverse effect on minority neighborhoods.

The thin-skinned O’Malley did not forgive Ms. Carter when he became governor in 2007. That year, Ms. Carter called for Mr. O’Malley to convene a special session of the General Assembly to address a 50% rate hike proposed by BGE. “I don’t support anything that Delegate Carter is for,” Mr. O’Malley remarked at a meeting.

The problem for Ms. Carter was that Mr. Malley wasn’t kidding. He was governor for eight years. Even Ms. Carter admitted that she felt “marginalized” during her time in the House of Delegates and accomplished less than she had hoped to.

All of which leads me to this: It was fair game for Mr. McKesson to suggest that the 41st district needs a senator who focuses less on talking and more on building coalitions to get the help that the city so desperately needs. The voters of the district will decide if he is correct and, if so, which candidate best fits that description.

It is likely that Ms. Carter will defeat Mr. Merrill in the Democratic primary and remain in her seat. If so, perhaps she will take Mr. McKesson’s remarks to heart, dial back the rhetoric, and build the types of coalitions necessary to pull her district and the city back from the edge of the abyss. At the very least, maybe she will stop making enemies that she doesn’t need to make, which is exactly what she did with Mr. McKesson.


In choosing to endorse Mr. Merrill, Mr. McKesson stepped out of line with the political establishment in Baltimore. I believe that the sociological term du jour used to describe the sorry state of contemporary American politics is “neotribalism.”  Maybe my sympathy for Mr. McKesson is based in part with my own recent experience in bucking tribal norms.

In my case, the tribe was the legal establishment in Anne Arundel County, where I lived and practiced law for 36 years. That tribe is overwhelmingly white. For example, there are 12 judges and six magistrates on the Circuit Court. All are lily white.

Last month I wrote a guest column in the Annapolis Capital condemning Judge Mark Crooks for attending a fundraiser in Severna Park last year for disgraced former Alabama Supreme Court Justice Roy Moore. At the time, Mr. Moore was raising money for his run to represent Alabama in the United States Senate and Judge Crooks was running for election to a full 15-year term on the Anne Arundel County Circuit Court.

Mr. Moore is an enemy of the rule of law. First elected chief justice in 2001, Mr. Moore was removed from office in 2003 for refusing to obey a federal court order instructing him to remove a monument to the Ten Commandants that he had installed in the state judiciary building. The people of Alabama again elected Mr. Moore chief justice in 2013.

Mr. Moore was suspended from his position as chief justice in 2016 and later resigned after instructing state probate court judges that they could refuse to apply the 2015 decision of the United States Supreme Court on same-sex marriages. Mr. Moore also has a long history of making racially and religiously bigoted remarks.

When asked about his attendance at Mr. Moore’s fundraiser, Judge Crooks stated that he was not “even remotely” aware of Mr. Moore’s background at the time of the fundraiser in September 2017. It was a claim that not everyone believed. In my opinion, Judge Crooks never adequately apologized for his mistake, if that is what it was.

In the face of the threat posed by President Donald Trump to the rule of law in this country, I have become a rule-of-law zealot. I have heeded the admonition by the conservative political analyst William Kristol that we have as much to fear from the “enablers and legitimizers” as the would-be despots. So, speaking of zero tolerance, I have zero tolerance for sitting judges who legitimize the enemies of the rule of law like Roy Moore by attending their fundraisers.

I knew I would get blowback from supporters of Judge Crooks for the guest column, and I did.  There never is a shortage of practicing lawyers anxious to curry favor with a sitting judge.

I also heard from the legal and political establishment in Anne Arundel County. In the minds of some, I had turned on one of my own and deserved to be shamed and shunned. Here is an excerpt from an email that I received from a well-known lobbyist who told me that he was helping Judge Crooks with the election and had urged him to go to all political events:

“David – I could not remain silent and not respond to your despicable and just plain mean op-ed piece concerning Mark Crooks. You should be absolutely ashamed of yourself and I know from talking to people in the community, you have damaged your reputation and people have less respect for you, if any at all. . . You have completely changed my view about you from your outlandish column and as a former prosecutor and good lawyer you should be ashamed of what you wrote. I know Mark Crooks served our country honorable, and like you, a highly regarded state prosecutor. Shame shame on you.”

By stating that I can sympathize with Mr. McKesson about what happens when you take on an existing power structure I am not suggesting that our situations were comparable. I am largely retired from the practice of law and not looking for work, can withstand the loss of a few “friends” in the power structure and, most importantly, don’t expect to be in court in Anne Arundel County any time soon – I hope.

It took much more courage for Mr. McKesson to buck the establishment, especially if he hopes to remain active in Baltimore political and civic affairs. He can expect to be shamed, shunned and even punished for taking on the old guard; it is the unfortunate world we live in. I don’t subscribe to everything that Mr. McKesson says, but I admire his guts.


Finally, a word about “outsiders.” A lot of the criticism of Mr. McKesson’s decision to endorse Mr. Merrill included observations that, although Mr. McKesson is from Baltimore, he is not of Baltimore. Because he has spent much of his adult life (he is only 32) somewhere other than Baltimore, he is deemed an outsider.

You get that a lot in Baltimore. I certainly do, even though I’ve lived in the Baltimore metropolitan area for 45 years and attended law school in Baltimore for four years. I’m not a Baltimorean, and I accept that.

This parochial attitude is problematic for several reasons, however, including the fact that the city is so desperately in need of the state’s help. It is hard enough to persuade Maryland taxpayers who live outside the city that they should be willing to pay more taxes to support the city. When they hear that they are supposed to send money but keep their opinions on what to do with the money to themselves – and I have heard that sentiment expressed many times – the task just gets harder.

But the kicker, at least for me, is this: If the current “insiders” had been a bit more successful in running the city over the past decade or so, maybe there would be something to be said about not wanting outsiders coming in and messing things up. The reality, however, is that the city has been in a state of crisis for years, and the crisis is deepening. A little fresh blood and some insights from outsiders couldn’t possibly do any harm.

David A. Plymyer

Bad decisions highlight need for judicial evaluation program.

Recent judicial decisions in Baltimore underscore the need to remedy a troubling, longstanding deficiency: the absence of a formal program for evaluating the performances of judges in Maryland. Twenty years ago, a select committee of Maryland judges and lawyers recommended that the state adopt a mandatory evaluation program run by the Administrative Office of the Courts. The proposal went nowhere in 1998, and generally has been ignored ever since.

The sentence imposed by Baltimore Circuit Judge Melissa Phinn on Steven Bagshaw, a former lieutenant within the Baltimore Police Department (BPD), was flabbergasting. Mr. Bagshaw was convicted by a jury of theft and misconduct in office for defrauding the city of more than $8,600 in pay during a six-week period last year while he was under surveillance by BPD internal affairs investigators.

Judge Phinn sentenced Mr. Bagshaw to one day of unsupervised probation before
judgment and refused requests to order him to pay restitution for the money he stole. Probation before judgment means Mr. Bagshaw will not have a criminal record.

My criticism of Judge Phinn is based as much on what she said as on what she did. Her explanation for her leniency sent a terrible message to the BPD and its officers. Judge Phinn castigated the BPD for not having “clean hands” and putting Mr. Bagshaw in a “bad situation.” She faulted the department for not “paying attention” to Mr. Bagshaw during his assignment as the head of the unit assigned to patrol near the Horseshoe Casino. In other words, Judge Phinn believed that the BPD was complicit in the crime. No, it wasn’t, Judge Phinn.

The BPD may have been guilty of lax internal controls, but that had nothing to do with Mr. Bagshaw’s culpability for deliberately falsifying time sheets to obtain regular and overtime pay to which he was not entitled. His culpability and the BPD’s laxity are two separate things.

Judge Phinn’s explanation implied that the moral character of lieutenants in the BPD is so low that weak oversight of time sheets is tantamount to an invitation to falsify the time sheets. The department is doomed if the standard of conduct in the BPD is such that police officers are expected to refrain from dishonesty only if they must work hard to get away with it.

Then there is the case of Dawnta Harris. A series of decisions by juvenile magistrates allowed the 16-year-old to remain on the streets and, according to police, in a position to run over and kill Baltimore County Police Officer Amy Caprio on May 21. He was free despite a record demonstrating that his behavior was dangerously out of control, as attested to by his own mother, who said she repeatedly asked authorities for help with her son.

On May 10, according to a timeline compiled by WJZ-TV, the local CBS affiliate, a magistrate in the juvenile division of the Baltimore City Circuit Court released Dawnta from custody and placed him on “community” detention, even though he had previously escaped from a juvenile facility in Montgomery County. At the time, Dawnta had been found guilty of car theft in Baltimore and was facing similar charges in Montgomery

On May 14, Dawnta apparently went into “AWOL” status and violated the conditions of community detention. Neither his mother nor the Department of Juvenile Services (DJS) was able to reach him.

On May 18, a hearing was held with Dawnta’s mother, DJS representatives, and people from the public defender’s and prosecutor’s offices. On that date, the court failed to issue an order authorizing the police or juvenile services officers to find and take Dawnta into immediate custody. Three days later, Officer Caprio was killed. (The name of the judicial official who made the decision has not been released to the public.)

The court’s decision is inexplicable. A juvenile with a lengthy record violated the conditions of his community detention and was in the wind. A writ should have been issued for his apprehension and detention, regardless of what DJS or anyone else recommended.

Steven Platt, a retired circuit judge from Prince George’s County, has worked for years to promote judicial accountability through a “rigorous but fair” program of judicial performance evaluations. He points out that the absence of such a program creates an incongruous situation: Maryland holds contested elections for Circuit Court judges but provides voters with no objective criteria on which to decide whether to retain sitting judges.

The absence of such a program also does something else: It erodes what little confidence is left in the criminal and juvenile justice systems, especially in Baltimore. After the Bagshaw sentence and the decisions that left Dawnta Harris free to run into Officer Caprio, try persuading citizens that judges are doing just fine without being held accountable through evaluations of their decisions.

Many states have proved that judicial performance evaluations can be conducted without compromising judicial independence. It is long past time to implement a program of judicial performance evaluations in Maryland.

[Published as an op ed by The Baltimore Sun on June 1, 2018 but not posted to my blog until July 5, 2018. The date of posting that appears above was backdated to place all posts in the order in which they were written.]

An amateurish mistake by Baltimore County Council Chairman Julian Jones.

Within days of the death of former Baltimore County Executive Kevin Kamenetz there were rumors swirling around the Historic Courthouse in Towson, the seat of Baltimore County government, that Councilwoman Vicki Almond would be appointed to serve the remainder of Mr. Kamenetz’s term. Predictions were that the vote by the Council to appoint her could come as early as the Council meeting on May 24th. Council Chairman Julian Jones appeared to confirm that something sneaky was afoot when he told the Baltimore Sun on May 15th that the Council that there was not enough time for public input on the decision on who would replace Mr. Kamenetz.

“I do not anticipate any public input, only because of the timeline,” said Jones, although he did not set a date for a decision to be made or explain the rush. “This is the job of the County Council. This is part of the charter. Everyone up here has been elected to do a job and I think it’s important that we do the job.”

The public reaction to Jones’ remarks was predictable, swift, and angry. Baltimore County citizens had seen this all before: A backroom deal sprung on the public with little or no notice or opportunity to be heard.

Suspicions were heightened because of the speculation that a deal already had been done to appoint Ms. Almond, the candidate for County Executive favored by the developers and their lawyers who dominated County politics and land use decision during the Kamenetz administration. In other words, business as usual in Baltimore County.

Mr. Jones had gone out on a limb, only to have it cut off behind him. Within two days he backpedaled and announced that public comment on the selection process would be heard at a meeting of the Council on May 22nd.

We may never know if Mr. Jones made his initial statement without gaining the full support of his Democratic colleagues for his plan to move forward without public input, or if one or more of his colleagues got cold feet after the negative public reaction to his comments and changed their minds. Either way, it was an amateurish mistake that cost Mr. Jones dearly in terms of his credibility as a County leader.

It is hard to believe that Mr. Jones or his colleagues were so tone-deaf about the mood of the citizens in Baltimore County that they failed to anticipate the backlash against the idea of selecting a replacement to Mr. Kamenetz without public input. The citizens of the County are tired of eight years of rigged outcomes in which the interests of ordinary citizens are scarcely considered if they are considered at all.

Maybe Mr. Jones thought that he could pull a Kevin Kamentz and bulldoze the appointment of Ms. Almond through the Council as quickly as possible, worrying about any political fall-out later. The problem with that idea is that Mr. Jones does not have the ability that Mr. Kamenetz had to enforce discipline among Council members through rewards and punishments.

Having stumbled so badly out of the gate, Mr. Jones now must be concerned about making sure that the process used by the Council to select a new County Executive does not look like a charade designed only to appease the public, which would only add insult to injury. I don’t believe that he will be able to achieve that goal if the Council selects Ms. Almond.

In any event, Ms. Almond may no longer want the appointment. She could be leery of an appointment that would be a lightning rod for all the pent-up anger in the County over a County government controlled by special interests that has become almost hostile to its own citizens. Ironically, Mr. Jones could have ruined her chances to get the appointment by his ill-considered remarks to the press.

Unsolicited advice to Mr. Jones: This is not a competition with the Baltimore County Board of Education to see which public body in Towson can handle a personnel decision in the most awkward manner. These decisions are important to the public. Treat them as such.

It was not an impressive performance by Mr. Jones in his first real test as chairman of the County Council. He is going to need to do a lot better in the coming weeks to regain some measure of credibility as a capable leader.

May 19, 2018

If it was a mistake, Judge Crooks, then how about an apology?

I recently wrote a guest column for the Annapolis Capital in which I gave my opinion that the decision by Anne Arundel County Circuit Court Judge Mark Crooks to pose for a photograph with former Alabama Supreme Court Chief Justice Roy Moore in September 2017 at a fundraiser for Mr. Moore was an error in judgment that should cost Judge Crooks his bid to be elected to a full 15-year term as a circuit court judge this year. The column drew strong reactions, with some readers concurring with my view and others disagreeing.

One supporter of Judge Crooks excoriated me for placing too much emphasis on an innocent mistake by Judge Crooks. Judge Crooks claimed that he was unaware of what Mr. Moore stood for when he attended Mr. Moore’s fundraiser in September. If it was a mistake, then Judge Crooks should have done two things: Admit that he made a mistake and apologize for it. He did neither.

The report of a sitting judge in Anne Arundel County showing up at a fundraiser for Mr. Moore was unsettling and hurtful to people of color, Muslims, and members of the LGBT community. It is those citizens to whom Judge Crooks owes an apology.

The background.

The photograph of Judge Crooks standing next to Mr. Moore was taken at a fundraiser held in Severna Park to help finance Mr. Moore’s campaign for a seat in the United States Senate representing Alabama, a campaign that mercifully proved unsuccessful. Judge Crooks, along with many prominent Anne Arundel County Republicans, attended the fundraiser.

Mr. Moore is by far the most notorious state court judge in the United States of the past 20 years. First elected chief justice in 2001, Mr. Moore was removed from office in 2003 for refusing to obey a federal court order instructing him to remove a monument to the Ten Commandants that he had installed in the state judiciary building.

In 2005, Mr. Moore told an interviewer that homosexual conduct should be made illegal. In 2006, he wrote an op-ed in which he said that a Muslim should not be a member of Congress because “Islamic philosophy [is] directly contrary to the principles of the Constitution.”

Mr. Moore was reelected as chief justice by the people of Alabama in 2013. He was suspended from his position in 2016 and later resigned after instructing state probate court judges that they could refuse to apply the 2015 decision of the United States Supreme Court on same-sex marriages. After resigning as chief justice, Mr. Moore announced his candidacy for the United States Senate.

Mr. Moore’s only apparent connection to Anne Arundel County is his friendship with Anne Arundel County Councilman Michael Peroutka, who represents the Severna Park area. In 2012, the Montgomery Advertiser reported that Mr. Peroutka was the single-biggest donor to Mr. Moore’s 2012 campaign for the Alabama Supreme Court, having contributed $50,000 of the total $78,000 received by Moore through December 31, 2011.

Until 2014, Mr. Peroutka was a member of the League of the South, a neo-Confederate white nationalist movement that long has supported Mr. Moore. Mr. Peroutka’s past affiliation with the League of the South has been a source of controversy in Anne Arundel County since the day that Mr. Peroutka was elected in 2014, sparking protests at meetings of the County Council.

Photographs of Mr. Moore with various people who attended the fundraiser in Severna Park, including Judge Crooks, were posted to a Facebook album labeled “Judge Roy Moore Fundraiser.” They were downloaded and made public by a news site known as The Arundel Patriot on December 11, 2017, causing a firestorm of public criticism.

The explanation.

Why in the world did a sitting judge on the Circuit Court for Anne Arundel County go to a fundraiser for a former state chief court justice from Alabama who is a well-known bigot, hater and enemy of the rule of law? According to the Patriot, Judge Crooks stated that “I didn’t do my homework to know what he was all about, even remotely.” Crooks added that “I try to go to Democratic events, too.” It was the closest thing to an admission of a mistake that I could find.

On December 20, 2018, the following was posted to “Friends of Judge Mark W. Crooks” on Facebook:

“Friends of Judge Mark W. Crooks campaign strongly disavows Roy Moore – the man, his viewpoints, his jurisprudence and his predatory acts. When Judge Crooks was urged to stop for an impromptu photograph with Moore in September, he was unaware of Roy Moore and what he stood for. During their brief exchange, they discussed their prior military service.

Judge Crooks accepted an invitation to attend the event consistent with his pledge to visit any place in Anne Arundel County to meet citizens and voters from all walks of life. Indeed, Judge Crooks attends gatherings, political or otherwise, of every type. Judge Crooks’ entire career has been dedicated to serving the public, tackling corruption and protecting children, the defrauded and disenfranchised. Judge Crooks has never supported Roy Moore in any way.”

That’s an explanation – an excuse, really – and is neither an admission of a mistake nor an apology for the mistake. After my guest column was published, Judge Crooks posted the following on Facebook:

“Contrary to what has been reported, I have never supported Roy Moore in ANY way. I have never made contributions or given words of support whatsoever. Also, the event was well before his predatory behavior became known. As a sitting judge, I was not given permission to comment until the AL [Alabama] election was over.”

The reference to Mr. Moore’s sexual predations is a red herring. Mr. Moore’s sexual habits did not become well-known until shortly before the senatorial election in November 2017. His history of racial and religious prejudice and judicial misconduct has been well-known for much longer.

The apology that should have been.

The explanation by Judge Crooks of his attendance at the fundraiser is devoid of a key element: Contrition. Here is what an admission of a mistake and an apology should have looked like, accepting as true the claim by Judge Crooks that he knew nothing of Mr. Moore’s background:

“I failed to look into Mr. Moore’s background before attending his fundraiser. Had I done so I would not have gone to the fundraiser, because Mr. Moore’s history of bigotry, hatred and defiance of the rule of law is contrary to everything that I stand for. It was a mistake for which I sincerely apologize, especially to those who have been hurt by Mr. Moore’s words and actions.

Over the past two years a lot of things have been “normalized” that previously would have been considered unacceptable. Attendance by an Anne Arundel County judge at a fundraiser for a former state jurist who arrogated to himself the right to ignore a federal court order and to reject a decision by the United States Supreme Court is one of those things. That can’t be allowed to be normal, and we need to resist the view of those who dismiss it as “no big deal.”

It is not too late for Judge Crooks to apologize. I am told that he is a man of impeccable character. He can demonstrate that by apologizing for attending a campaign event for a man like Roy Moore.

Judge Crooks, if you are being told by your political advisers not to apologize for any offense you caused to citizens most in need of the protections of the rule of law because of the political fall-out from such an apology, ignore them. If you had any advisers worth their salt, they never would have allowed you to attend a campaign event for Mr. Moore in the first place.

May 9, 2018

Anne Arundel judge must pay a price for meeting with Roy Moore.

It was an error in judgment for incumbent Anne Arundel County Circuit Court Judge Mark Crooks to pose for a photograph with Roy Moore of Alabama at a campaign event for Mr. Moore last September. It is an error that should cost Judge Crooks his bid to be elected to a full 15-year term on the bench in this year’s election.

Judge Crooks claimed that he was unaware of Mr. Moore’s controversial judicial history when he posed for the photograph. Mr. Moore was running for the United States Senate at the time of the photograph, which was taken at a fundraiser held for Mr. Moore in Severna Park.

Judge Crooks later professed ignorance of the fact that Mr. Moore, when he was Chief Justice of the Alabama Supreme Court, twice defied the rule of law that underpins our democracy. His ignorance is no excuse.

First elected chief justice in 2001, Mr. Moore was removed from office in 2003 for refusing to obey a federal court order instructing him to remove a monument to the Ten Commandants that he had installed in the state judiciary building. The people of Alabama again elected Mr. Moore chief justice in 2013.

Mr. Moore was suspended from his position in 2016 and later resigned after instructing state probate court judges that they could refuse to apply the 2015 decision of the United States Supreme Court on same-sex marriages. Both actions by Mr. Moore were notorious, especially in the legal community. State supreme court chief justices don’t routinely defy federal court orders or Supreme Court decisions and, when they do, it tends to attract attention.

From the day in April 2017 that Mr. Moore announced his candidacy for the Senate he ran as the darling of Christian conservatives because he followed his personal religious beliefs rather than follow the law. I take Judge Crooks at his word on his lack of knowledge about Mr. Moore, but it is easy to see why others may not.

The rule of law in this county is sacrosanct. It is what preserves our democracy and protects us from anarchy and despotism. It is as crucial to gun owners seeking protection of their right to bear arms under the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution as it is to same-sex couples seeking recognition of their marriages under the Fourteenth Amendment.

The rule of law depends for its survival on all public officials obeying court orders and on judges applying binding legal precedent, which is the glue that holds our system of laws together. What Mr. Moore did not only was wrong, it was dangerous.

Republican candidates for office in Anne Arundel County and elsewhere love to tap into the base of support for President Donald Trump. Judge Crooks certainly was aware of the far-right political leanings of Mr. Moore. Mr. Moore’s fundraiser in Severna Park gave Judge Crooks an opportunity to curry favor with the president’s base.

That Judge Crooks didn’t take his ambition a step further and figure out exactly who he was cozying up to in that photograph is troublesome. His failure to exercise an appropriate degree of diligence under the circumstances is far less than we expect from a sitting judge.

I doubt that there has been a time in this country since the Civil War when it has been so important to uphold the sanctity of the rule of law. The great French observer of America in the early 19th Century, Alexis de Tocqueville, saw judges committed to the rule of law as bulwarks against forces that otherwise could topple democratic institutions. His observations are as valid today as they were 200 years ago.

Even if standing shoulder-to-shoulder with someone like Roy Moore with a big grin on his face for a photograph was only an indiscretion, it was an unforgivable one with enormous symbolic value. It should end his career as a circuit court judge.

[Published as a guest column by the Annapolis Capital on April 30, 2018 but not posted to my blog until June 1, 2018. The date of posting that appears above was backdated to place all posts in the order in which they were written.]

Baltimore City Council has the power to improve policing, will they use it?

Baltimore City Councilman Ryan Dorsey, frustrated by the recent collective bargaining agreement between the city and the union that represents officers of the Baltimore Police Department (BPD) in the rank of lieutenant and below, lashed out on twitter at the officers of the BPD. He referred to them as “really just occupying mercenaries” for their stance during negotiations.

Mr. Dorsey was upset that the labor contract failed to achieve the city’s two main objectives: allowing civilians to be members of police disciplinary hearing boards and eliminating the costly shift schedule of four 10-hour days on and three days off.

Mr. Dorsey also absolved himself of any responsibility for the disappointing outcome, proclaiming in a tweet to me directly that the “City Council is no way part of collective bargaining.” I have a suggestion, Mr. Dorsey: Stop the insults and the handwringing — and act.

There are two reasons for my suggestion. The first is that the officers’ union, Lodge 3 of the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP), is doing what labor unions do — trying to reach the best deal for its members. The second is that the City Council has the power to give the police commissioner the authority to place civilians on disciplinary hearing boards and to eliminate the four-by-10 shift schedule. The problem lies with the council’s reluctance to act, not with the union’s intransigence.

In a letter dated Nov. 4, 2016, Assistant Attorney General Kathryn Rowe concluded that the City Council could pass an ordinance authorizing the police commissioner to appoint up to two voting or non-voting civilian members on hearing boards as allowed by state law without the consent of the FOP. After such an ordinance is enacted it would be up to the city’s labor commissioner to decide whether to submit the issue of civilian membership to collective bargaining. If the labor commissioner chose not to do so, the decision to place civilians on hearing boards would rest solely with the police commissioner, not with the union.

Empowering the police commissioner to return the department to a five day a week, eight-hour shift schedule requires nothing more than an ordinance amending the municipal labor relations article of the city code to exclude the issue of shift schedules from the scope of collective bargaining as an “exclusive management right.” That would leave the decision on shift schedules in the hands of the police commissioner, where it belongs.

State law provides that impasses in collective bargaining between the city and the FOP over issues relating to “direct compensation” must be resolved through binding arbitration. The definition of direct compensation, however, expressly excludes issues related to “deployment and scheduling.”

State law specifies that all other matters “governing or relating to labor relations or collective bargaining” between the city and uniformed officers of the BPD shall be governed by the municipal labor relations article of the city code. Consequently, nothing precludes the City Council from enacting an ordinance placing issues relating to deployment and scheduling outside the scope of collective bargaining.

Alternatively, the council could provide that, in the event of an impasse in collective bargaining over an issue pertaining to deployment and scheduling, the City Council will make the final decision on the matter. Either way, the City Council is not nearly as helpless as Mr. Dorsey claims.

The current collective bargaining agreement between the city and the FOP is a short-term one, expiring on June 30. There is time to pass ordinances giving the police commissioner the unilateral authority to place civilians on disciplinary hearing boards and to eliminate the four day, 10-hour schedule before a new collective bargaining agreement takes effect.

There is something you can do, Mr. Dorsey: Try to persuade your colleagues on the City Council to place limits on collective bargaining that respect the legitimate rights of officers to negotiate over the terms and conditions of their employment without interfering with the ability of the police commissioner to run the department as he or she reasonably sees fit.

City Solicitor Andre Davis recently complained that the FOP has the City Council in a “chokehold.” Yes, but the reason for that has more to do with politics than with the law.

[Published as an op ed by The Baltimore Sun on April 27, 2018 but not posted to my blog until June 1, 2018. The date of posting that appears above was backdated to place all posts in the order in which they were written.]

The history of Towson Station puts a spotlight on the pay-to-play culture in Baltimore County.


Last week the Baltimore County Council, on a 4-3 vote, approved the revised contract of sale between Baltimore County and Caves Valley Partners for County property slated to be the site of a commercial development known as “Towson Station.” It is as good a time as any to look back at the history of this project.

When you do look back at the history, a clear pattern emerges.  Sometimes it is less obvious, but the pattern is always there: A bias in favor of the prospective developer, questionable decisions, rules bent and corners cut, and roadblocks thrown in the path of opponents of the project.

You can also detect an odor, and sometimes it is fainter, but it is always there. If you don’t recognize the odor, it is the odor of the pay-to-play culture that permeates the Baltimore County government.

Earlier this month Ann Constantino reported in the Baltimore Post that since 2010 Caves Valley Partners and its affiliates have contributed $61,000 to the campaign fund of County Executive Kevin Kamenetz. They also have contributed a total of $60,350 to the campaign funds of the current members of the County Council. Not included in those figures are contributions that may have come from spouses and other family members.

There’s an old saw used to deflect concerns about the influence wielded by large campaign contributors: They aren’t buying influence, they’re just seeking access to public officials. Read the history and decide if Caves Valley got its money’s worth of “access” to County officials.

By now, almost everyone in Baltimore County has heard about “Treegate,” the name given by community activists to the removal of 30 mature trees on the perimeter of County-owned property at the intersection of York Road and Bosley Avenue in Towson on April 1, 2017. The property was and is under a contract of sale between the County and Caves Valley. At the time of Treegate, Caves Valley planned to develop the property under what is called a “planned unit development,” or PUD.

In 2016, the Baltimore County Council placed a very specific requirement on the Towson Station PUD. The Council exercised its regulatory authority over PUDs under § 32-4-242(d) of the Baltimore County Code to require that the “existing mature trees that surround the site are protected.”

Those trees constituted a partial buffer of the gas station and convenience store that Caves Valley proposed to build on the site. The requirement was imposed by the County Council as a condition of its approval of the PUD by Resolution No. 113-16, passed unanimously by the Council on December 19, 2016.

Caves Valley, however, did not want to retain the trees, and by the evening of Saturday, April 1, 2017 the trees “protected” by the Council resolution were gone. They were cut down by County contractors that day on orders from Baltimore County Administrative Officer Fred Homan without prior notice to either the County Council or the public.


The first whiffs of the scandal to come: The secrecy of the selection process.

In 2012, County Executive Kevin Kamenetz decided that he wanted to sell approximately five acres of County-owned land at the corner of York Road and Bosley Avenue in Towson on which a fire station and other County buildings were located. The sale was part of a plan to reshuffle the location of County facilities, and then sell the surplus land. The reason given for the plan was to raise money to install air-conditioners in existing County schools.

Prospective buyers were asked to submit their financial offers as well as their plans for development of the property. The declared intent was that the proposals would be evaluated on factors that considered the amounts offered to purchase the property as well as the quality and compatibility of the development plans with the surrounding neighborhoods.

The five-member panel of County employees put together by Mr. Kamenetz to evaluate the proposals was charged with considering the needs of the surrounding communities; the property is part of Towson’s northern “gateway,” and the project design was of special importance to residents. The panel named by Mr. Kamenetz, however, included no representatives of the surrounding communities. That was the first sign that something was amiss.

The next was when the Baltimore Sun filed a Public Information Act request to see the development proposals submitted to the County Executive’s panel. The request was denied.  Don Mohler, Mr. Kamenetz’s chief of staff, explained that the County wanted to keep the documents secret so that the selection process was “devoid of any kind of external pressure.”

“We’re very protective of the integrity of that process,” Mr. Mohler said.

The outcome of the selection process was as dubious as the process itself. The panel’s initial recommendation in April 2013 was that the County select a $6.2 million proposal submitted by a limited liability company controlled by developer Mark Sapperstein that included a Harris Teeter grocery store.

The County estimated the annual property tax at full build-out of the Sapperstein proposal to be approximately $557,224 and the present value of the sales price plus 20 years of property tax revenue to be approximately $13.7 million. The Sapperstein proposal, however, was soon disqualified by County purchasing officials on questionable grounds.

The notice of award sent to Mr. Sapperstein by the County stated that the award was contingent on Mr. Sapperstein providing the County with “evidence of a firm written commitment to your project by Harris Teeter” within 30 days of the notice. The notice also demanded payment of the full purchase price.

As explained to the Baltimore Post by Brenda Bodian, President of BJB Realty Advisors, Inc., it was not commercially reasonable for the County to demand that Mr. Saperstein produce a firm commitment from Harris Teeter at such an early stage of the process. According to Ms. Bodian:

“It is most common in a bid situation, where the developer does not have control of the property yet, to have a letter of intent, rather than a binding lease on the property. And if a landlord and prospective tenant entered into a lease at that early stage, it would have to have many ways for a tenant to get out of the lease if a lot of factors did not line up that are totally unknown at that early stage.”

The award was withdrawn by County officials when Mr. Saperstein did not produce a “firm written commitment” from Harris Teeter. The County then turned to a proposal submitted by Caves Valley Partners, which included a purchase price of $8.3 million.

The County estimated the annual property tax at full build-out to be approximately $26,125 and the present value of the sales price plus 20 years of property tax revenue to be approximately $8.7 million for the Caves Valley proposal. There was a catch: Under the Caves Valley proposal the County would not get paid for the property unless it first approved a PUD that would allow Caves Valley to build a gas station and a convenience store, uses not permitted under the zoning of the property.

• Why did the County accept a proposal from Caves Valley that was contingent on the approval of a PUD when it demanded that Mr. Sapperstein produce an immediate unconditional commitment from Harris Teeter? Approval of a PUD is an uncertain, lengthy process involving approval by the County Council and an administrative hearing officer. Opponents of a PUD may appeal the approval of the PUD by an administrative hearing to the County Board of Appeals and then seek judicial review of the decision by the Board of Appeals if it is unfavorable to the opponents.

• Why did the County agree to a contract with Caves Valley that gave Caves Valley until December 31, 2018 to pay for the property when it demanded immediate payment of the purchase price from Mr. Saperstein? The contract gave Caves Valley five years to obtain approval of its PUD as the contract purchaser. If the PUD was approved, the County got paid. If the PUD was not approved, the County did not get paid and had to start over to try to sell the property.

The County Council approved the contract of sale for the property to Caves Valley Partners (dba CVP-TF, LLC) at its meeting on December 3, 2013 over the strenuous objections of most of the community organizations in Towson. The objections were directed at Caves Valley’s proposal to build a gas station and convenience store on a site in Towson’s northern “gateway” because neither use was permitted by the zoning of the property.

Residents and nearby business owners alike believed that they had been thrown a curve ball by the County. And they had been, in more ways than one, not the least of which was the structure of the deal struck by the County.

The structure of the contract of sale between the County and Caves Valley for the property: A built-in conflict of interest.

The selection of the Caves Valley proposal created a practical problem. The problem was that the proposal included the construction of a Royal Farms gas station and convenience store on the site, a use of the property not allowed by the existing zoning classification of the property.

The “solution” to the problem was making the sale contingent upon the County approving a planned unit development (PUD) for the site. A PUD may be used to allow uses not permitted under the applicable zoning of the property as a matter of right. In theory, a PUD must offer some special benefit to the community that justifies relaxing rules that otherwise would apply.

Because a PUD allows exceptions to the zoning classification and regulations generally applicable to a site, the process for approving a PUD confers due process rights on other property owners who may be affected by and object to the exceptions. Therein lies the rub.

By structuring the contract of sale in the manner that it did, the County placed its pecuniary interests and regulatory responsibilities in direct conflict. Because the sale is contingent on the County’s approval of a PUD, the County gave itself a financial incentive to approve the PUD; the County wouldn’t realize the $8.3 million from the sale unless it approved the PUD.

The problem with that is that a PUD is supposed to be reviewed and approved in an objective, arm’s length manner that protects the rights of persons opposed to the PUD. The conflict of interest built into the contract was more than a potential one; it was an actual one because of the intense opposition in the community to putting a gas station on the property. Because the County had a direct financial interest in approving the PUD, the opponents of the project already had two strikes against them when they came to the plate during the regulatory process.

The County never should have structured the contract of sale in a manner that fatally compromised the integrity of its regulatory role by placing its regulatory role in conflict with its pecuniary interests. It was a decision that sowed the seeds of the greater scandal that would come later. The County administration should have known better, and probably did.

The structure of the transaction blurred the lines between the County’s interests and the interests of Caves Valley. That didn’t seem to bother the County as much as it should have.

The first major step in the PUD process is approval by the County Council of a resolution that allows the PUD to move forward in the regulatory process and which may be used by the Council to place certain conditions on the PUD. Gaining the Baltimore County Council’s approval of the Towson Station PUD would not be easy. In fact, it was ugly.

The alleged threats against Councilman David Marks: Did County Executive Kevin Kamentz use threats to influence the outcome of the regulatory process?

On or about March 16, 2016, Caves Valley submitted its application for approval of a PUD as a contract purchaser of the property. The PUD is identified by the County as PUD-2016-00002.

Section 32-4-242 of the County Code requires that “an application for approval of a site for a Planned Unit Development shall be submitted to the County Council member in whose district the PUD is proposed to be located.” The Council is required to hold a “post-submission community meeting” to solicit public comment on the proposed PUD, and to submit the application to the Department of Permits, Approvals and Inspections for review by the applicable County agencies. The reviewing County agencies submit a preliminary evaluation of the application to the Council. Both of those steps were accomplished.

Section 32-4-242 of the County Code further provides that, after considering the information from the post-submission community meeting and the preliminary agency review, the County Council “by adoption of a resolution, may approve the continued review of the Planned Unit Development in accordance with the procedures of this title and the requirements of the zoning regulation.” The resolution, however, must be based on a finding by the County Council “that the proposed Planned Unit Development will achieve a development of substantially higher quality than a conventional development would achieve.” [Emphasis added.]

“Conventional development” of the site would not have included a gas station and convenience store, because they are not permitted by the zoning classification of the site. Is there any wonder why the citizens of Towson were outraged by the prospect of the PUD being approved by the Council?

The proposition that a gas station and convenience store could constitute “development of substantially higher quality” than development permitted by the underlying zoning was controversial from the beginning. It would have to be a very special gas station.

Council Resolution No. 113-16 was drafted to approve the continued review of the PUD. By practice, the Council member to whom the application was submitted also is expected to introduce the resolution approving the continued review of the PUD. Councilman David Marks represents the Fifth District, the district in which the proposed site of Towson Station is located.

Mr. Marks initially balked at introducing Resolution No. 113-16 because of the opposition of his constituents. Mr. Marks told the Towson Flyer in September 2016 that he heard from many constituents who do not want the gas station, but he also said that he heard from the Kamenetz administration:

“Senior members of the administration have made it clear that at least $8 million will be cut from the Fifth District [his councilmanic district] if the resolution is not introduced to review the Towson Gateway Planned Unit Development. The $8 million could affect road resurfacing, flood control in east Towson, and school projects miles away from the Towson Gateway site.”

As a reminder, $8 million was the approximate amount of the price to be paid for the property by Caves Valley if the PUD was approved. The Flyer reported the response to the statement by Mr. Marks from Don Mohler, chief of staff for Mr. Kamenetz:

“The allegation of a threat is simply not true. A PUD is totally at the discretion of the council. In terms of the County Executive, he spent 16 years on the council and he does not weigh in or invade their turf.”

Mr. Mohler’s assertion that Mr. Kamenetz “does not weigh in or invade [the Council’s] turf” was called into question by a subsequent story story in the Baltimore Post. Ann Constantino reported an allegation by Mr. Marks that a threat by Mr. Kamenetz to punish his constituents if he failed to introduce the resolution was relayed to Mr. Marks by Steven Sibel on Mr. Sibel’s cell phone. Mr. Sibel is one of the partners of Caves Valley. Mr. Marks told the Post:

“I was at a meeting where Mr. Sibel showed me his cell phone and there was a message from the county executive claiming that $8 million would be cut from my district if the Planned Unit Development resolution did not advance.”

Ms. Constantino reported that a witness confirmed Mr. Marks’ account, stating that Mr. Sibel approached Mr. Marks with the cell phone message from Mr. Kamenetz. According to the witness, the message said, “tell David he just lost $8 million from his district’s budget.” The witness added that when Mr. Marks read the message he “was very, very upset.”

According to Ms. Constantino, neither Mr. Kamenetz nor Mr. Sibel responded to her requests for comments. A grand jury taking testimony under oath should be able to confirm or deny the truth of the allegations.

Let me stop and underscore something: If the allegations of threats of retaliation are true, then Mr. Kamenetz was flirting with the crime of misconduct in office. The County Council performs a key role in the regulatory process for approving an application for a PUD that implicates the due process rights of persons who may oppose the PUD.

The PUD does not go forward unless the Council makes the necessary findings of fact and gives the PUD preliminary approval. The lawful role of the County Executive does not include trying to influence the outcome of a regulatory process by threats against members of the County Council.

If Mr. Kamenetz put his thumb on the scale at the front end of the process by using threats to induce Mr. Marks to introduce a resolution giving the PUD preliminary approval, he compromised the integrity of the process as much as if he tried to pressure the Board of Appeals at the back end of the process. Mr. Marks has made very serious allegations against the County Executive that, standing alone, merit investigation by the State Prosecutor.

Mr. Marks introduced Resolution No. 113-16 on October 3, 2016. It was passed by the County Council on December 19, 2016.

Removal of the trees: A smoking gun.

We now know, thanks to Ms. Constantino, that County Administrative Officer Fred Homan formed his intent to defy Council Resolution No. 113-16 almost immediately after it was passed. In a story published in the Baltimore Post last week she revealed that as early as January 2017 Baltimore County Administration Officer Fred Homan was working with lawyers representing Caves Valley Partners to thwart the condition placed on the Towson Station PUD by the County Council.

The Towson Station PUD, like other developments, is subject to State and County forest conservation laws. In May 2016, a consultant, Eco-Science Professionals, Inc., applied on behalf of Caves Valley for approval of a Forest Conservation Special Variance that would allow removal of six “specimen” trees from the property. Specimen trees generally are larger and more mature trees, and merit special protection under State and local forest conservation laws. The consultant claimed that retention of the six specimen trees was incompatible with the proposed design of the project.

The application for the Special Variance in May 2016 drew immediate flak from community groups, particularly from the Green Towson Alliance, a large and active environmental advocacy group. The six specimen trees were among 30 trees that rimmed the northern part of the property and partially screened the buildings on the site from York Road and Bosley Avenue. The application for the variance to cut down the trees was withdrawn, apparently because of the pressure from the community groups.

The County Council passed Resolution No. 113-16 on December 19, 2016. The Council, responding to the community concerns about the trees, placed a condition on the PUD requiring “that existing mature trees that surround the site are protected.”

Ms. Constantino obtained a copy of an email exchange on January 18, 2017 between Donna Morrison, Mr. Homan’s deputy, and Robert Hoffman. Mr. Hoffman is the partner of Venable LLC in charge of its Towson office. Venable was and is the law firm that represents Caves Valley in the Towson Station project.

“Fred” is Fred Homan, the County Administrative Officer. The “Chris” to whom Mr. Hoffman’s email refers is Christopher Mudd, then an associate and now a partner with Venable.

Ms. Morrison to Mr. Hoffman: “You were going to send Fred the site plan with the trees that needed to be removed.”

Mr. Hoffman to Ms. Morrison: “Hi Donna. Yep and got your phone message. Chris is on it!

This email exchange provides hard evidence that the County Administrative Officer was told by representatives of Caves Valley which trees “needed to be removed.” As explained later, Mr. Homan did for Caves Valley that which Caves Valley could not do for itself – remove the trees.

Removal of the trees: Dubious explanations.

On Saturday, April 1, 2017, a contractor for the County cut down the 30 trees that surrounded the property, including the six specimen trees. All the trees that were subject to the condition placed on the PUD by Resolution No. 113-16 were gone.

County Attorney Michael Field later would tell Ann Constantino that it was County Administrative Officer Fred Homan who ordered the trees removed. Mr. Kamenetz’s chief of staff, Mr. Mohler, confirmed that the purpose was to prepare the site for development.

On April 3, 2017, Mr. Homan was present at a regularly-scheduled meeting of the County Council, and he was asked by Councilman David Marks why the trees were cut down in defiance of the conditions placed on the PUD by the Council resolution. Mr. Homan’s response:

“That [the PUD condition] has nothing directly to do with the fact that the county owns the properties, Sir. That would be at the point that the property would transfer.”

Mr. Homan went on to explain:

“And quite frankly, the County is currently moving to accelerate the settlement on the property, so the County can receive the $ 8 million that it’s currently had to forward finance through the sale of debt. That keeps the revenue as a receivable, which does not help. The County needs the cash from the sale of the property. So, the County is trying to accelerate the close of the property. That’s what going on at this point in time.”

In his statement to the County Council Mr. Homan staked out his position that it was Caves Valley that would be bound by the conditions of the PUD once Caves Valley owned the property, and that conditions placed on the Towson Station PUD by the Council technically were not binding on the County administration while the County still owned the property. He was telling the County Council in so many words that he done for Caves Valley that which Caves Valley could not do for itself – remove the trees.

Why did Mr. Homan order the trees removed? According to his statement on April 3, 2017, the County needed the money from the sale of the property. Mr. Homan saw the retention of trees as an impediment, delaying the closing of the sale.

There are two points that need to be made about Mr. Homan’s explanation:

• Assuming that Mr. Homan was correct that he was not technically bound by the conditions placed on a future PUD, it was not his job as a member of the executive branch of County government to find a way to thwart the will of the County Council as expressed in Resolution No. 113-16. In fact, he had a legal duty to do his best to implement the will of the legislature as expressed in Resolution No. 113-16.

Mr. Homan may have taken himself out of the frying pan and placed himself in the fire with his explanation to the County Council. If the State Prosecutor concludes that Mr. Homan abused his authority by removing the trees with the intent to defeat a condition lawfully imposed on the Towson Station PUD by the Baltimore County Council, Mr. Homan could find himself charged with misconduct in office, especially if the State Prosecutor believes that Mr. Homan acted in concert with the developer who would be bound by that condition. Mr. Homan is supposed to take his lead from the wishes of the County Council, not from a developer’s attorney.

• Mr. Homan’s explanation that he was trying to “accelerate” that closing of the deal so that the County could realize the $8.3 million from the sale of the property does not square with his later actions. On July 26, 2017, Mr. Homan signed an amendment to the contract of sale with Caves Valley that extended the Closing Date for the sale of the property from December 31, 2018 to December 31, 2023.

In April 2017, Mr. Homan states that he is in a hurry to get to settlement on the property, but in July 2017 he agrees to delay settlement by up to five years? Did he order the trees cut down because he was in a hurry to get to settlement, or was he merely doing the bidding of Caves Valley?

Removal of the trees: Other “legal technicalities” disregarded?

• Did Mr. Homan use County funds to cut down the trees that were lawfully appropriated for that purpose? In my opinion, the answer is No.

The trees were cut down by a contractor, Excel Tree Expert Co., Inc., working under a County contract administered by the Property Management Division of the County’s Office of Budget and Finance. The Fiscal Note prepared by the County Auditor on the second amendment to the contract of sale, discussed below, reports that the County spent $29,052 for the tree removal.

As a threshold matter, no expenditure of County funds was justified to remove the trees because the contract of sale called for the property to be transferred from the County to Caves Valley “as is.” There was absolutely no duty imposed by the contract on the County to prepare the site for development by cutting down trees.

Even if the contract called for the removal of the trees, the money used to do so would have to be appropriated for that purpose. It was not.

The funds used to pay Excel Tree Expert Co., were appropriated by the County Council for the use by the Property Management Division in its Grounds Maintenance Program. The purpose of that program is described in the budget is “to provide grounds maintenance for all County facilities to the citizens of Baltimore County so that they can participate in leisure activities in recreation facilities in a safe and clean environment.”

The services provided by Grounds Maintenance Program are listed as “including grass maintenance, ball diamond grooming, turf management, and general landscaping.” Removing 30 trees to prepare a site for development is not “general landscaping” and it is not “maintenance.”

Using County funds for a purpose for which they were not appropriated is a violation of Section 715 of the County Charter for which the offending official may be removed from office. It can also subject a violator to criminal penalties if the misuse is deemed theft or misconduct in office.

There were calls for a formal audit by the County Auditor to determine whether there had been a misappropriation of funds as described in Section 715. No such audit has been done nor is likely to be done under the present composition of the County Council, which has the power to order such an audit under Section 311 of the County Charter.

I don’t know how you describe the failure of the County Council to order an audit as anything other than a cover-up. My hunch: The County Council does not want to risk the possibility of an audit finding of a misappropriation of funds. That would mean that the Council would have to respond with some sort of action. Airing the County’s dirty linen when it comes to development issues is the last thing that current members of the Baltimore County Council want to do.

It is worth noting that the County Auditor also reported in the Fiscal Note for the second amendment to the contract of sale that the County spent $91,881 to demolish buildings on the site to prepare it for development by Caves Valley. As with the removal trees, no duty was imposed on the County under the initial contract of sale to demolish the buildings. The Fiscal Note does not indicate the source of the funds used for the demolition.

• Did Mr. Homan violate State and County forest conservation laws by ordering the removal of the trees, especially the six “specimen” trees? In my opinion, he violated the spirit of the law; a determination of whether he violated the letter of the law is in the hands of the Maryland Department of Natural Resources.

I am not going to include in this article a full analysis of the removal of the trees under State and County forest conservation laws and regulations. I will say that I believe that, for purposes of forest conservation laws, there is overwhelming evidence that the County administration in effect acted as an arm of the prospective developer, Caves Valley, in removing the trees from the development site.

That places the removal in a completely different legal context because Caves Valley would have had to jump through a series of hoops to try to get the trees removed. In my opinion, Caves Valley would have been required to preserve all or most of the six specimen trees even in the absence of Resolution No. 113-16.

Even when the County engages in “tree cutting activity” on its own property for its own purposes, it generally is subject to its own forest conservation regulations if the size of the tract of land is 40,000 square feet or greater. There are limited exceptions, but in my opinion, none of them applied to the removal of six specimen trees to prepare the site for future development by a private developer. There is no indication that the County followed its own process for justifying the removal of the trees.

The secret extension of the closing date under the contract of sale: Why did Mr. Homan agree to it?

There are serious questions raised by the length, terms and conditions, and timing of the extension. Mr. Homan or Mr. Kamenetz need to answer those questions. To date they have not.

On July 26, 2017, Mr. Homan signed an amendment to the contract of sale with Caves Valley that extended the Outside Closing Date for the sale of the property from December 31, 2018 to December 31, 2023. The extension was secreted from the public (and from at least some members of the County Council) and only came to light in November 2017 when it was discovered by by Ms. Constantino in a file produced under a Public Information Act request.

The contract of sale, before the most recent amendment approved by the County Council, provided that the sale could not be closed until the PUD was approved. If the sale was not closed on or before the original Outside Closing Date of December 31, 2018, the contract would expire by its own terms and Caves Valley would lose its right to purchase the property under the contract of sale.

A five-year extension is an extraordinarily long period under the circumstances; a series of shorter extensions, if necessary, would have been customary for the protection of the County. In the context of the terms and conditions of the amended contract the extension is even more troubling.

The amendment extending the closing date contained none of the language protecting the interests of the County that you would expect. Nothing in the amendment provided any compensation to the County for the loss of the use of the revenue from the sale of the property attributable to the delay in settlement. That revenue included not only the sale price but also revenue from the property tax that Caves Valley would have paid from the date of conveyance.

Nor was there any provision for an upward adjustment in the purchase price because of any appreciation in the value of the property. The offer of $8.3 million for the property was made in 2013. Would the value be the same in 2023?

The contract left the County vulnerable to a slow-down by Caves Valley, making the length of the extension even harder to comprehend. There are no intermediate benchmarks that Caves Valley must achieve (“feet to the fire” provisions), such as deadlines for submitting the various documents required during development review, that would allow termination of the contract before the contract expiration date if the deadlines were not met.

Under the contract as amended on July 26, 2017, Caves Valley arguably could have sat on the deal for years, done nothing, and the County would have been powerless to do anything about it. Had that happened, the contract would have expired on December 31, 2023, leaving the County with nothing to show for ten years of efforts trying to sell the property. The County even would have been required by the contract to return to Caves Valley the $83,000 “earnest money” that Caves Valley deposited in 2013.

The extension in effect allowed Caves Valley, if it chose to do so, to hold the property hostage by tying up the property until 2024 without having to improve it or pay taxes on it. In my opinion, the length and terms and conditions of the extension were inexplicable, at least when viewed from the perspective of the County’s best interests.

So, again the question is why did he do what he did? Why did Mr. Homan agree to the extension at all, and why did he agree to it 17 months before the contract was due to expire?

One thing that the amendment did do, of course, was protect the interests of Caves Valley. If the contract of sale had expired on December 31, 2018 without completion of the sale to Caves Valley, it would have been up to the next County Executive and County Council to decide what to do about the sale and development of the property, with no further legal obligation to Caves Valley.

Many opponents of the gas station and convenience store proposed by Caves Valley saw starting over next year with Caves Valley out of the picture as the best option. Caves Valley probably did not.

What about the timing of the extension? Why did Mr. Homan agree to it 17 months before the contract was due to expire?

When the extension was signed on July 26, 2017 things weren’t going well for Caves Valley and the Towson Station PUD. If anything, opposition to the gas station and convenience store had intensified, and members of the County Council as well as the County Executive were beginning to feel the political pressure from that opposition with an election year looming.

On July 3, 2017 Councilman David Marks had introduced Resolution No. 68-17 which, if approved, would have withdrawn the Council’s preliminary approval of the PUD. It was the doomsday scenario for Caves Valley; approval of the resolution likely meant that Caves Valley would lose its right to purchase and develop the property under the contract of sale.

Was the timing of the extension in relationship to the introduction of Resolution No. 68-17 a coincidence? I don’t think so.

The timing of the extension operated as a poison pill, restricting the County’s options. It also shifted the advantage to Caves Valley for purposes of negotiating any changes to its development plan or any further changes to the contract of sale.

Because of the extension it no longer was practical for the County Council to withdraw preliminary approval of the PUD and let the clock run out on Caves Valley: The property was now under contract to Caves Valley until December 31, 2023. Stalled development plans could result in an eyesore parcel of County-owned land in the heart of Towson sitting idle and producing no income for over six more years.

Resolution No. 68-17 was tabled on a 4-3 vote by the County Council on August 3, 2017. On August 11, 2017 Mr. Kamenetz announced that he wanted Caves Valley and the Greater Towson Council of Community Associations (GTCCA) to mediate their differences over the proposed development and try to come to a compromise proposal.

With the five-year extension in its back pocket, Caves Valley was freed from pressure to make a lot of concessions. And it didn’t.

On January 12, 2018, Caves Valley and the GTCCA reached agreement on a revised development plan that does not include a gas station and convenience store. Last week the County Council approved a second amendment to the contract of sale lowering the sale price because the revised development plan eliminates the the gas station and convenience store.

Are the new deals good deals or raw deals?

Under the compromise reached between Caves Valley and the GTCCA, Caves Valley will place a covenant on the land prohibiting it from placing a gas station or convenience store on the property for 25 years. Caves Valley also agreed not to use the site for a fast food restaurant other than a Chick-fil-A. (Your guess as to the reason for exempting Chick-fil-A from the exclusion is probably the same as mine.)

Although Caves Valley will not pursue its current application for approval of a PUD, it does have the right to reapply for approval of a PUD if its revised development plan is not approved or is approved with material changes. Finally, the agreement between Caves Valley and GTCCA was contingent on the approval by the County Council of a reduced sale price for the property negotiated by Caves Valley and the County administration.

The agreement does not achieve the original vision of the community or County planners for the “gateway” project by adhering to the Towson Overlay District guidelines that provide for, among other things, a more pedestrian-friendly design than the layout proposed by Caves Valley. It is, however, a proposal more compatible with the neighborhood than a Royal Farms gas station and convenience store.

The fact that residents of Towson were able to achieve anything with the deck so heavily stacked against them is a testament to their dedication and perseverance. Ron Council, a resident of West Towson who participated in the negotiations, put the matter in perspective for the Towson Flyer:

“I think where we are today is where we could have been four years ago if Baltimore County’s government hadn’t acted irresponsibly in allowing the [gas station project] to be weaponized against the community as it has been for the last four years. It would have saved volunteers thousands of hours of time that they could have spent on something else, and we wouldn’t have had an undeveloped piece of land sitting on the corner of York and Bosley.”

There is less reason to be sanguine about the revised sale price negotiated by the Kamenetz administration and approved last week by the County Council. The deal as advertised by the County lowered the sale price from $8.3 million to about $6.9 million although, as it turned out, the $6.9 million number is more than a little suspect.

Caves Valley insisted that its agreement with GTCCA be contingent on final approval by the County of a reduced sale price within 90 days. The Kamenetz administration and Caves Valley reached agreement on the $6.9 million figure in early March, leaving the County Council and the public precious little time to review the proposal.

Was limiting the time to scrutinize the deal done by design? Why the big hurry now, when Caves Valley agreed in the middle of last year to a five-year contract extension?

The reduced sale price was based in part of two appraisals done at the request of the Kamenetz administration. There is little doubt that those appraisals would not have been made public in time for the Council hearing on the revised contract except for a Public Information Act request made by a Towson resident. Even then, shaking the appraisals loose required the intervention of the lawyer who also is the author of this article.

The advertised sale price of $6.9 million included the present value of an agreement by Caves Valley to waive its entitlement to revitalization property tax credits for 10 years. The waiver was assigned a present value of about $1.9 million. What you don’t know until you read the appraisals is that the appraisers, at the instruction of an unnamed County official, used $0 as the “base value” for calculation of the projected tax credits.

If you interested in the detailed reasons why that was wrong, read my letter to the Council dated April 12, 2018. The executive summary: The purpose of a revitalization tax credit under State and County law is to give the owner a tax credit based on the extent to which the improvements that the owner has made to a piece of property increased the assessed value of the property.

All property in the State, improved or unimproved, has an assessed value. No property has an assessed value of $0. It defies logic as well as the purpose of the revitalization tax credit to calculate the credit using $0 as the starting, or “base,” value of the property. A proper calculation of the projected tax credits places the present value of those credit at around $1 million, reducing the sale price to about $6 million.

A group called Save Towson’s Gateway prepared a detailed statement for the County Council that shredded assumptions and calculations upon which the reduction in sale price was based. Not surprisingly, the purported “analysis” contained in the Fiscal Note prepared by the County Auditor for the County Council on the proposed contract revision included no comment on the manner of calculating the revitalization property tax credits or the other issues bearing on the sale price identified by Save Towson’s Gateway.

The revised contract of sale was approved by the County Council on April 16, 2018. The vote was 4-3, and there was no discussion by Council members of how Caves Valley and the Kamenetz administration arrived at the reduction in the sale price and whether it reflected a fair price for the property.


The history of the Towson Station project is an illustration of what corruption looks like in the pay-to-play culture of Baltimore County. It may not involve the type of “hard” or criminal corruption that has occurred in the past in Baltimore County, with bribes and kickbacks ending up in the pockets of politicians. But, in my opinion, it does involve so-called soft corruption, in which considerations other than the best interests of their constituents shape the actions of public officials and influence the outcomes of processes that are supposed to fair and even-handed.

Soft corruption does not involve criminal wrongdoing, but that does not mean that it is any less corrosive to the public’s trust in elected officials. And it is difficult to prove. To paraphrase the statement regarding obscenity by former Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart, however, you know it when you see it. You discern it in the pattern of questionable decisions and actions by County officials over time that appear to favor one developer’s interests over another’s and over the interests of the citizens most directly affected by the development.

Although I accuse no one of criminal wrongdoing, I believe that there were actions taken during the history of Towson Station that demand investigations to determine if crimes or other wrongs were committed:

• The alleged threats by County Executive Kevin Kamenetz against Councilman David Marks (allegedly relayed through Steven Sibel of Caves Valley) to induce Mr. Marks to introduce the resolution giving preliminary approval to the Towson Station PUD should be investigated to determine if Mr. Kamenetz improperly tried to influence a regulatory process implicating the due process rights of third parties.

• The action taken by County Administrative Officer Fred Homan to remove the trees protected by County Council Resolution No. 113-16 should be investigated to determine if Mr. Homan abused his authority in violation of the prohibition against engaging in “misconduct in office.”

• The authorization by one or more County officials of spending $29,052 in County funds appropriated for general maintenance and landscaping to remove the trees from County property in order to prepare the property for development by a private developer should be investigated to determine if there was a misappropriation of County funds in violation of Section 715 of the County Charter, a provision that subjects offending County officials to removal from office.

Do I believe that campaign contributions from builders and developers influence land use and other decisions by local government officials? Yes, based on decades of experience in county government, I certainly do. And the larger the contribution, the greater the influence. In fact, I will say this: Anyone with similar experience who tells you otherwise is lying to you.

It certainly is true that some local government officials are more easily influenced than others. And right now, resistance to influence appears to be at a low ebb among Baltimore County officials. Consequently, the Towson Station saga was not an isolated occurrence in Baltimore County.

The good news, however, is that there are bright and dedicated people in the County in groups such as Save Baltimore County who are trying desperately to take back control of the County from developers and other special interests. The number started small, but it is growing rapidly. I wish them well.

Additionally, the efforts of these citizens are being helped by journalists like Ann Constantino and Kris Henry. The citizens of Baltimore County, including me, owe them a debt of gratitude for what they do.

Ms. Constantino is a freelance investigative reporter, whose stories often appear in the Baltimore Post, a local news site. As indicated by the multiple references to it throughout this article, her work is invaluable. Ms. Henry is the Towson Flyer, and she reports on County government in depth, going behind the press releases and other self-serving pronouncements by County officials to get the full stories on events.

David A. Plymyer
April 21, 2018

The sale price for the “Treegate” property in Towson is $916,085 less than the Kamenetz administration says it is.

I recently wrote a guest commentary for the Towson Flyer in which I suggested that there was an allergy to audits among Baltimore County elected officials when it comes to the operations of County government. [“Kach should demand audit of Treegate and put fellow council members on record,” The Towson Flyer, April 4, 2018.] I want to revise my diagnosis.

I now believe that there is an allergy to truth-telling in general. It is the most recent example of perfidy in Towson that changed my mind:

The consideration for the sale of the property as represented to the Baltimore County Council and the public by the administration of County Executive Kevin Kamenetz under the revised contract of sale between the County and Caves Valley for the “Treegate” property owned by the County is not $6,912,685. It is $5,996,600.

How could that be? The answer is that the County played games with the calculation of the revitalization tax credits to which Caves Valley would be entitled if it buys and improves the property, and that Caves Valley has agreed to “waive” as part of the contract of sale. Those credits are closer to $1,012,532 than the $1,928,617 calculated by the County because the County improperly assigned a base value of $0 to the property for purposes of its calculation.

If you are interested in the details, there is a link below to my letter to the County Council explaining in detail what I will politely refer to as a “discrepancy.” The following is an executive summary of that explanation:

The purpose of a revitalization tax credit under State and County law is to give the owner of a piece of property a tax credit based on the extent to which improvements made by the owner to the property increased the assessed value of the property.  (The assessed value of the property includes the value of both the land and any improvements.)  You don’t have to be a [adjective bleeped out] Nobel Prize-winning economist to recognize that using $0 for the starting value (“base value”) of property in calculating an entitlement to a revitalization property tax credit is wrong – and very, very obviously wrong.

So, the Kamenetz administration believes that you can take a piece of County property currently assessed without the improvements at $17,810,000 and calculate the projected entitlement of Caves Valley to revitalization tax credits by using $0 as the base value for the property? That’s bullshit [noun not bleeped out], and the Kamenetz administration knows it.

The revised contract of sale negotiated by the Kamenetz administration is on the agenda of the Baltimore County Council for approval on Monday. The manipulation of the revitalization tax credit numbers made it past the County Auditor’s “Fiscal Note” on the transaction and a Council work session this past Tuesday without a single question raised. The farce never would have been discovered before Monday (or maybe ever) but for the diligence of a handful of responsible citizens who have taken on lonely roles as County government watchdogs.

The modus operandi of the Kamenetz administration on matters such as this is predictable. It presents the County Council with a hurried, artificial deadline by which the Council “must” act to preserve some deal, and then gives the Council (and the public) the information relevant to the deal at the last minute. The Council apparently doesn’t mind the arrangement, because it seldom rebels at being backed into a corner.

In this case, a citizen obtained the appraisals that the County used to justify its calculation of the value of the waiver of the revitalization tax credits. As usual, getting information from the County wasn’t easy. Below is a link to a redacted copy of the letter that I sent to shake loose the appraisals. I am afraid that the letter reflects my experience and frustration with the County; the good news is that the County knows from its experience with me that I will go to court to enforce the law, and the appraisals were produced.

The report of the appraisal done by Collier International sent up a red flare: On page 20 of the report, Collier notes that, for purposes of the calculation of the revitalization property tax credit, “it is our understanding that the base value for the credit would be based on the taxable assessment of $0, and not the full assessed value of $17,810,000.” [Emphasis added.] That language indicates that the instruction to use $0 as the base value came from Collier’s client, Baltimore County. And even I couldn’t miss the signal sent by Collier. There is a link to the Collier report below.

I have no opinion on whether the discrepancy in the sale price should affect the Council’s decision whether to approve the revised contract of sale. After all, it is “only” a difference of $916,085, or 15% of the sale price. It would be nice, however, if just once the County would play it straight with the facts, and with its citizens. It is almost as if County officials simply can’t help themselves – as if hiding and distorting the truth has become habitual.

I do not believe that this type of deception would have been attempted in any other county or in the City of Baltimore. It is too brazen, and too easily debunked. The problem in Baltimore County is that the checks and balances internal to County government are not functioning, and there is insufficient scrutiny from the media. The County government has gotten away with similar behavior so often that it no longer thinks twice about pulling the wool over the public’s eyes.

The Baltimore Sun’s coverage of Baltimore County government is too superficial to be of much use. Kris Henry of the Towson Flyer and Ann Constantino of the Baltimore Post do yeoman’s work, but there is more going on than they can get to. So, as an aside, I have a plea to the editors of the Sun who decide where reporters get assigned, and maybe even to the Maryland State Prosecutor: Send some help to the citizens of Baltimore County who are desperately trying to keep track of the shenanigans that go on in the Old Courthouse in Towson.

April 14, 2018

Letter to County Council:              Ltr to County Council 4 12 18_0001

Collier appraisal:                            Towon Gateway Appraisal report 2 16 18

Letter to Asst County Atty:           Ltr to ACA Losher 3 20 18 redacted

Kach should demand audit of Treegate and put fellow council members on record.

After the “Rally for Honest Government” in Towson on the anniversary of “Treegate,” Baltimore County Councilman Wade Kach reiterated his desire for an audit of the removal of 30 mature trees from county-owned property at the intersection of York Road and Bosley Avenue that was ordered by the administration of County Executive Kevin Kamenetz.

Mr. Kach, a Republican who represents Timonium and areas north, explained that his efforts have been frustrated to date by what he described as the lack of support for an audit by a majority of the County Council. (“Protesters decry lack of transparency on anniversary of Treegate,” The Towson Flyer, April 2, 2018.)

I have an idea, Mr. Kach: Introduce a council resolution calling for the audit.

Formally introducing a resolution will require the council to hold a public hearing, debate the measure at an open meeting and, most importantly, take a vote that allows citizens to see where each member of the council stands on the issue. Let the chips fall where they may within the context of an open and honest process — for once.

My hunch, based on recent history, is that all three Republicans on the council would vote for an audit, meaning that one Democrat would have to vote in favor of the resolution for the audit to be approved. One of those Democrats, Councilwoman Vicki Almond, happens to be running for county executive.

In my opinion, the citizens of the county need to find out where all the candidates for county executive stand on openness, transparency and accountability in county government — something strikingly deficient during the current administration. Ms. Almond will let us know where she stands when she casts her vote on the resolution calling for the audit.

And, make no mistake about it, the situation cries out for an audit, if not a full-scale investigation. The property from which the trees were removed is under a contract of sale to a private developer, Caves Valley Partners. The trees were ordered removed by County Administrative Officer Fred Homan despite the condition placed on the development of the property by the county council that the trees be retained. The trees would have served as a partial buffer of the proposed commercial development from the street.

It might come as a surprise to the Kamenetz administration that the duty of the executive branch of county government is to carry out the intent of the county council and to enforce state and county laws, not to do the opposite.

The money used to pay the contractor to cut down the trees came from funds appropriated for general landscaping of county parks and other property — not for preparing sites for private development. In fact, the contract of sale for the property calls for the property to be sold “as is.”

In other words, the removal of the trees was not required by the contract, and the sole purpose for the removal appears to be circumventing the condition placed on development by the council. The removal of the trees certainly violated the spirit of state and county forest conservation law, and an investigation is underway by the Maryland Department of Natural Resources to determine if the removal violated the letter of the law. It might come as a surprise to the Kamenetz administration that the duty of the executive branch of county government is to carry out the intent of the county council and to enforce state and county laws, not to do the opposite.

It is worth pointing out that the administration also ordered the demolition of existing structures on the property even though the county was under no obligation to do so to satisfy the conditions of sale. Where did that money come from to demolish the structures, and what was the justification for spending it for the benefit of a private developer?

Whether it involves Baltimore County Public Schools or the county government, there seems to be an allergy to audits in Towson. If so, I hope Mr. Kach will take an antihistamine and act: Stop talking about an audit; do something about it. Introduce the necessary resolution. If you can’t get council staff to draft it, I will draft it for you, no strings attached — something else that is unusual in Baltimore County.

[Published as an op ed by The Towson Flyer on April 4, 2018 but not posted to my blog until June 1, 2018. The date of posting that appears above was backdated to place all posts in the order in which they were written.]